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Anti-Black Racism and How It Affects K–Graduate Students

Lamont R. Terrell, Ph.D. (GlaxoSmithKline) served as moderator to explore how anti-Black racism affects students at different education levels. Catherine Riegle-Crumb, Ph.D. (University of Texas at Austin) discussed her research on disparities in eighth-grade algebra, which is considered critical for future STEM success, and on STEM undergraduate majors. Christopher Emdin, Ph.D. (Columbia University) urged participants to look at new approaches to teaching STEM that embody culturally relevant pedagogies and merge excitement and academic excellence.

STEM INEQUALITY IN EDUCATION

Dr. Riegle-Crumb described herself as a quantitative sociological researcher but stressed that focusing on racial differences in quantitative outcomes (e.g., test scores) without situating differences in a larger social system of inequality is problematic. It can lead to reductionist and deficit narratives that blame individuals from minoritized groups for not achieving a “white standard.” Instead, she said she brings in sociological perspectives on inequality in which race is recognized as socially constructed. Rather than relate to the innate characteristics of an individual, she said, it is a set of social categories that are created and exist within particular social systems, with the primary function to create or retain privilege and power for some groups, such as white men in the United States.

Racialized social systems are created and re-created through both institutional structures and everyday interactions and experiences, Dr. Riegle-Crumb continued. They are fundamentally unequal and hierarchical in nature. In the United States, Blacks and Latinx occupy a subordinate position within this hierarchical system relative to whites, which is justified through racial ideology, including racist stereotypes, beliefs, and expectations. This larger system leads to consideration of educational institutions as social contexts of STEM inequality because schools and classrooms are part of the race system in the United States. She explained this inequality can be viewed in a school system’s structure and organization (i.e., the physical separation of students into different locations) and interactions (i.e., everyday treatment and expectations) in creating inequality.

Structural and organizational inequality means that some students have opportunities to engage with high-quality STEM curriculum and instruction within schools and courses in contrast with others whose exposure to STEM curriculum is not rigorous, interesting, or relevant, she described. In interactions, some students receive inclusionary messages

that they belong in STEM, are valued, and are doing well, in contrast with others who receive exclusionary messages that tell them the opposite. Specifically related to racial inequality, minoritized youth attend schools with fewer qualified STEM teachers and educational resources, have fewer opportunities to enroll in advanced math and science courses, and have less access to rigorous, relevant, engaging curriculum. Within classrooms that perpetuate racial inequality, they are subject to stereotypes about the lower ability of minoritized youth and to lower expectations from teachers about their STEM performance.

Empirical indicators show the consequences of the race system at the end of high school. On achievement tests, racial differences in favor of white students increase to about 1 standard deviation in scope from the beginning of elementary school (NCES, 2015; Riegle-Crumb and Grodsky, 2010). Racial differences are also seen in grade point averages, and Black and Latinx youth are much less likely to take calculus or physics in high school than white students. It is important not only to talk about these empirical indicators, she said, but also to ask how this racial inequality is created, re-created, and exacerbated across educational contexts. These are not markers of individuals’ capabilities but manifestations of systemic inequality, she stressed.

Two Studies on Eighth-Grade Algebra

Dr. Riegle-Crumb summarized two studies that illustrate the structural and organizational aspect of inequality in education through a focus on math. The first study looked at how racial enrollment patterns within schools in eighth-grade algebra vary across two different school racial contexts. The second looked at how the mathematics content in eighth-grade algebra courses varies across schools with different racial composition. To start, she reminded the group that eight-grade algebra is a key gatekeeping course to future advanced study in math and science. If algebra is not taken by grade 8, a student is unlikely to reach calculus in high school, which, in turn, is a key gatekeeper to STEM in college and a general facilitator to matriculate at a 4-year school as a STEM major.

The first study looked at school context to perpetuate inequality by using data from a large urban district in the Southwest (Morton and Riegle-Crumb, 2019). It investigated whether racial inequality to access eighth-grade algebra is a reproduction of differences in prior opportunities to learn, as evidenced by grades, test scores, and prior mathematics courses. She and

Dr. Morton questioned whether earlier patterns reflect the situation in eighth grade or whether there is an increase in inequality at this critical juncture. They examined differences in access between both Black and Hispanic students with white peers, as well as differences between Black and Hispanic students in the same school district. The district studied is composed of 65 percent Hispanic, 25 percent Black, and 10 percent white students. The transcript data of a sample of about 10,000 students were used. Racially integrated and predominantly Hispanic schools were examined because these two different educational contexts might have implications.

A key finding in racially integrated schools was that white students’ enrollment advantage in algebra relative to Black and Hispanic students is a reproduction of earlier patterns of inequality. The lower relative rates of algebra enrollment, Dr. Riegle-Crumb reported, were “explained” by lower previous test scores, grades, and course-taking. This does not suggest that differences in algebra access are meritocratic or race neutral if explained by prior disparities, she emphasized, but draws attention to the ways in which racial differences in learning opportunities are constructed early in school and then subsequently used to structure and justify differential access in later opportunities.

In predominantly Hispanic schools (most schools in this particular district), Black students have significantly lower probability of enrollment in algebra relative to Hispanic students, net of all earlier patterns of achievement, with evidence of increasing inequality to the detriment of Black students. This finding raises questions, she suggested, of what it means to be minoritized or a minority in different racial contexts and is important to consider given the patterns of school racial composition nationwide.

The second study looked at the content of eighth-grade algebra courses and whether it differs depending on the racial composition of schools. According to McFarland et al. (2017), more than 60 percent of Black and Latinx youth attend schools where they are in the majority, which raises the question whether students in predominantly minority schools receive the same amount of content coverage as those in schools with fewer minority students. Courses with less rigor may lower the opportunity to learn with future implications.

Data were drawn from teacher surveys in the U.S. Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study. She explained her study’s dependent variable was the time that teachers reported they spend on algebraic concepts versus more basic review of arithmetic and other basic concepts. Spending less time on algebraic concepts may be a function of school

resources (including school socioeconomic characteristics or the percentage of the student population receiving free or reduced lunch or who are English language learners); teacher qualifications (including years teaching, degrees, self-efficacy in teaching math); and student characteristics (including deficit narratives related to achievement tests and attitudes).

In the baseline model, the coefficient for predominantly Black schools was negative and statistically significant and the coefficient for predominantly Latinx schools was not significant. Dr. Riegle-Crumb explained this means that teachers reported less algebra content in schools that are predominantly Black, but not predominantly Latinx schools. With the addition of the characteristics related to school resources, teacher qualifications, and students’ academic performance, the coefficient for predominantly Black schools remained negative and significant. Teachers on average spent 72 percent of class time over the year covering algebra and advanced content in predominantly minority schools compared with 82 percent in nonpredominantly minority schools.

Dr. Riegle-Crumb summarized that there are strong racial disparities in access to enrollment in eighth-grade algebra and that students attending predominantly Black middle schools receive less algebra content than peers enrolled in algebra in other schools (Mortan and Riegle-Crumb, 2021). She concluded that the promise of expanding enrollment as a means to alleviate racial/ethnic inequality in learning opportunities is greatly accentuated. What is purportedly the same course may be less rigorous in different settings.

Confidence and Interest in STEM

Despite this systemic inequality, Dr. Riegle-Crumb said it is important to point out that Blacks have higher confidence and interest in STEM subjects than white students and that Latinx students have similar confidence and interest to white students (Xie et al., 2015), although she acknowledged that bias and stereotypes can negatively affect minoritized youth. Black and Latinx students are as likely or more likely, depending on the study, to intend to declare STEM majors, conditional on college acceptance and matriculation (Chen, 2013; Riegle-Crumb and Grodsky, 2010; Riegle-Crumb et al., 2019).

What happens to this intention when they enter college? She and colleagues examined whether racial/ethnic inequality in patterns of STEM persistence in college might be distinct from inequality observed in other fields, using a theoretical lens known as opportunity hoarding (Tilly, 1997).

This concept would show that white privilege on one hand and the relative exclusion of Black and Latinx youth on the other may be greatest in fields with high levels of social and economic value, such as STEM fields. She explained the research questions posed:

1. Are Black and Latina/o youth who begin college in STEM majors more likely to depart than white students, either by switching fields and earning a degree in a different major or by leaving college without a degree?
2. If so, to what extent do racial/ethnic gaps in STEM persistence remain net of other factors, particularly high school academic preparation? If patterns are explained by prior inequality, then college inequality is a reproduction of earlier inequality.
3. Are these gaps more pronounced among STEM fields than in other fields, which would suggest a particularly pernicious context for opportunity hoarding?

Data collected by the National Center for Education Statistics on students first entering 4-year, not-for-profit institutions from 2004 through 2009 showed no statistically significant differences among white, Latinx, and Black students who declared a STEM major.

Dr. Riegle-Crumb noted a common deficit narrative that says that if Black and Latinx students leave STEM majors at higher rates than white students, it is because they had less academic preparation and, therefore, it is not the fault of institutions of higher education that they are leaving. She countered that higher attrition in STEM than in other fields (business, humanities, social sciences) would suggest that other fields are able to serve all students, regardless of their previous levels of academic preparation.

Dr. Riegle-Crumb and her colleagues found significantly higher rates switching from STEM majors for Black and Latinx youth compared with white youth; moreover, the switching was specific to STEM fields. While the gap between Latinx and white students can be explained by inclusion of social background variables, she said, Black students remain significantly more likely to switch out of a STEM major even after accounting for differences in academic preparation and other individual and institutional characteristics.

In addition to changing majors but remaining in college, some students who begin as STEM majors leave before earning any degree. Among STEM majors, Black and Latinx students are significantly more likely to leave

school than persist in their original field compared with white youth, net of all individual and institutional factors. In non-STEM fields, racial/ethnic differences in the likelihood of leaving versus persisting in the chosen field are fully explained with other variables. The probability of leaving college is 0.55 for Black and Latinx students in STEM fields compared with 0.39 for white students. She summarized that “clearly, we find evidence of white privilege in STEM degree attainment that is not mirrored in other major fields.” While the data do not allow for pinpointing mechanisms behind the disparities, she noted research on microaggressions and relative lack of support and inclusion as probable contributors toward minority students’ experiences and feelings of exclusion, as well as a lack of inclusive pedagogical techniques. She also pointed to research that minoritized youth may place a high value on using their education to give back and improve the lives of others, which they may come to see as incompatible with STEM fields. However, she argued, there should not be a reason that minoritized youth must choose between making a difference versus being in a STEM major. Finally, she noted, results for Black students are more pronounced than for Latinx students, which is consistent with other research on educational disparities. “This speaks to the perhaps unique, socially isolated position of being Black in a college STEM classroom,” she said, pointing participants to research in this area (Leyva, 2019; McGee, 2020; McGee and Martin, 2011).

“PTSD”: POOR TEACHING AND STEM DISORDER

Dr. Emdin agreed with the importance of research on the mechanics of access to algebra and other opportunities. “At the same time,” he continued, “we would be remiss if we did not situate that information in a larger construct. In eighth grade, deep awareness of who you are in the world begins. You may not know how to name it, but you are coming to consciousness of the landscape in the world.” He continued:

Dr. Emdin pointed out what he called “PTSD” for these students—“poor teaching and STEM disorder.” He suggested looking at how content is being presented and the nature of the pedagogical practices that aligns with cultural understandings of specific populations. He said discussing the STEM achievements of Black and Brown children in higher education means dealing with a particular population within the larger swath: that is, the population of students entering college with a declared STEM major who have undergone the trauma of traditional schooling and succeeded in spite of poor pedagogy. They exist within the larger population of students as a narrower group who managed to navigate the structure and gotten to where they are. “By the time they get to university, they are exhausted,” he commented. “The pedagogy in STEM is about complicity and memorization rather than a deep connection to the subject matter and interrogation.”

He stressed he is not demonizing those who have been successful and have kept within the system. However, he said, “There are a whole bunch of young folks in the ‘hood right now who are loud, who are obnoxious, who will ask you a bunch of questions, they don’t sit in their seats all the time,” he commented. “If you want Black and Brown students to be successful, you can’t just erase those and just focus on the ones who are most complicit—and then find problems in the ones who are most complicit when it becomes revealed later on that they cannot sustain that level of complicity.”

To improve persistence in STEM, he urged attacking traumatic experiences in the early primary grades. These experiences include an absence of a recognition of the cultural nuances where young students come from, he said, and a societal misperception that an approach to instruction in STEM must look and sound a certain way. He challenged:

He related that several years ago he wrote a book about teaching in urban areas (Emdin, 2017). When he approached urban schools, he was

told they had no time to implement his ideas. Then, he reported, a more affluent and white suburban school wrote that they had experimented with his ideas and invited him to visit. He observed students freely interacting with the teacher and each other, and totally engaged in science. “We have a system of STEM education that it is about performing in certain ways. Innovation and high expectations can happen, yet there is not the belief in what Black freedom can look like,” he said. “All those children who drop out have the potential to be brilliant in STEM subjects.”

In another book, Dr. Emdin proposed a theory for teaching and learning in urban spaces that he terms “ratchetdemic.” (Emdin, 2021). “It is to be equally ratchet and academic in educational spaces. Expressive, loud, per-formative—all the things they are told should not be permitted—attached with high academic expectations,” he explained. “Once they know who they are, they learn how to navigate the system.” He noted many successful Black professionals “have gone through a process of hurt and trauma and came out on the other side. We succeeded, but the process was hard. Then we advocate for the same process.” Dr. Emdin urged a pedagogy of affirmation “to speak to souls first, then the mind expands. We have to increase access to algebra, but change how it is taught. We have to change the nature of programs to reflect the culture.”

DISCUSSION

Dr. Emdin and Dr. Riegle-Crumb were asked about the role of Black faculty. Dr. Emdin said Black faulty are essential, but must go beyond representation to have authenticity and truth, with freedom and brilliance. Dr. Riegle-Crumb agreed all representation is not good representation. Research shows Black and Brown teachers may make a difference, for example, related to discipline, but it is important to strengthen teacher training programs and provide culturally relevant pedagogy. Identity itself will not fix everything, plus it is necessary to work with the white teachers, who are currently the majority, she said. Gender models, too, show mixed results. Some female teachers sustain gender stereotypes.

In response to a question about what her research showed about STEM majors at Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs), Dr. Riegle-Crumb said national data do not disaggregate by institution type, which is a problem. In other work she had done, she noted, data show HBCUs are doing the bulk of the work in STEM among Black students and should be elevated. Qualitative research also shows that within

HBCUs, STEM faculty are more likely to be white and there can be a disconnect of culture. Dr. Emdin added that he sees cultural misalignment with STEM, which he said must be taught with humanity. “The pedagogy is problematic,” he said. “We know the answers but are so caught up in the model.” Referring to students who have been successful, he clarified, “I am not saying that the populations who found success should be excluded. . . . I want to reimagine academic success.”

A participant brought up the challenge for faculty of color to make these changes within the system, which could affect promotion and tenure. Dr. Emdin countered, “You can do both. I have my expressiveness, but I can still be productive. In reality, if you have some sauce, you have the advantage.” He urged meeting benchmarks but bringing in one’s full self. “The only people who say something are haters, but they will be haters anyway,” he commented. Dr. Riegle-Crumb said she did not know of quantitative research on racism leveled against those who excel academically, for example, through microaggressions, but pointed to qualitative research by Ebony McGee, Ph.D. While quantitative research would be helpful, Dr. Emdin said, “It’s good to have numbers but also be able to privilege lived experience.”

When asked how he would define the “sauce” that he recommends bringing to teaching, Dr. Emdin described

Returning to Dr. Riegle-Crumb’s research in an area with a large Latinx presence, a participant asked about how to think differently about Latinx and Black students. Dr. Riegle-Crumb agreed there is not enough research on this issue, she said, which was part of the reason she did her study. “There has be to more conversation around this issue,” she suggested. “Race is relational. There is rhetoric around limited opportunities and around opportunity hoarding. Black and Latinx groups may feel at odds with each

other when the opportunities are presented as limited. Pay attention to that. White privilege is strengthened if minoritized groups see themselves in opposition.” Dr. Emdin added that class dynamics are at play, and the Latinx population is not monolithic.

Referring to eighth grade as a critical point and changing things for the better, Dr. Riegle-Crumb suggested conversations about teaching. “We hold onto a concept of teaching math in a vacuum and not tying it to social issues. You teach learners, not math. We know how to fix this, but we don’t have enough people with the will and resources to move in the direction,” she charged. Dr. Emdin suggested recruiting people to become teachers and to re-elevate teaching in the Black community as a revered and respected position. He also urged changes in schools of education so that teaching is seen as rigorous but also as a performance art.

REFERENCES

Chen, X. 2013. STEM Attrition: College Students’ Paths into and out of STEM Fields. NCES 2014-001. Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics, Institute of Education Sciences, U.S. Department of Education.

Emdin, C. 2017. For White People Who Teach in the Hood . . . and the Rest of Y’all Too: Reality Pedagogy and Urban Education. Boston: Beacon Press.

Emdin, C. 2021. Ratchetdemics: Reimagining Academic Success. Boston: Beacon Press.

Leyva, L. 2019. Beyond the binary and at the intersections: Chronicling contemporary developments of gender equity research in mathematics education. In C. Xenofontos, ed., Equity in Mathematics Education: Addressing a Changing World, pp. 65–91. Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing.

McGee, E. 2020. Black, Brown, Bruised: How Racialized STEM Education Stifles Innovation. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Education Press.

McGee, E. O., and D. B. Martin. 2011. “You would not believe what I have to go through to prove my intellectual value!” Stereotype management among academically successful Black mathematic and engineering students. American Educational Research Journal 48(6): 1347–1389. https://doi.org/10.3102/0002831211423972.

McFarland, J., B. Hussar, C. de Brey, T. Snyder, X. Wang, S. Wilkinson-Flicker, S. Gebrekristos, J. Zhang, A. Rathbun, A. Barmer, F. Bullock Mann, and S. Hinz. 2017. The Condition of Education 2017. NCES 2017144. Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics, Institute of Education Sciences, U.S. Department of Education.

Morton, K., and C. Riegle-Crumb. 2019. Who gets in? Examining inequality in 8th grade algebra. Journal for Research in Mathematics Education 50(5): 529–554.

Morton, K., and C. Riegle-Crumb. 2020. Is school racial/ethnic composition associated with content coverage in algebra? Educational Researcher 49(6).

NCES (National Center for Education Statistics). 2015. National Assessment of Educational Progress, 2015. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education.

Riegle-Crumb, C., and E. Grodsky. 2010. Racial-ethnic differences at the intersection of math course-taking and achievement. Sociology of Education 83(3): 248–270.

Riegle-Crumb, C., B. King, and Y. Irizarry. 2019. Does STEM stand out? Examining racial/ethnic gaps in persistence across postsecondary fields. Educational Researcher 48(3): 133–144.

Tilly, C. 1997. Durable Inequality. Oakland: University of California Press.

Xie, Y., M. Fang, and K. Shauman. 2015. STEM education. Annual Review of Sociology 41: 331–357).